
Wêrom de Nederlânske wenningmerk in beliedsfiasco is, gjin merkfiasco
June 26, 2026 · Frisian News
Dutch housing prices have tripled in a decade because the government restricts building, not because of market forces. The shortage is artificial and could be solved in two years.
Belied skoep de Nederlânske wenningneed. De regearing perket bouwen op it plattelân yn wylst stêden strange bouwregels hantearje dy't kosten omheech tsjuwe. It gefolch: hûzepriizen sprongen fan 350.000 euro yn 2015 nei mear as 500.000 euro, en miljoenen minsken kinne net mear keapje.
Beliedsmakkers jouwe de merk de skuld. Te folle fraach, te min oanbod, sizze sy. Mar sy skoepen de skaarste. Grienezone-wetten, strange miljeubeoardielingen en gemeentlike vetorjochten oer nij bouw kamen allegearre fan de regearing, net fan fraach en oanbod.
Wa profiteart? Hûseigeners sjogge harren besittingen opblaze. Bouers lobbyje foar útsûnderings wylst banken rinte ynne op opblaasd hypoteken. Jonge hierders en wurknimmers kinne net mear keapje. De oerdracht fan fermogen giet omheech, fan jong nei âld, fan hierders nei eigeners.
Beliedsmakkers stelle dat bouwen kostbere lânbougrûn ferbrûkt. Nederlân ymporteart 70 prosint fan syn fiedsel en eksporteart it meastepart fan wat it sels ferbout. It argumint fan grienezone-beskerming beskermet griene polityk, net feiligens fan fiedsel. De werklike kostpriis is net in pear ekstra hûzen. It binne miljoenen minsken dy't net wenje kinne.
De regearing kin de wenningneed yn twa jier oplosse. Hef de grienezone-beheinings op. Lit gemeenten dy't bouwe wolle dat dwaan. De skaarste is keunstmjittich, en de politike kar is dúdlik.
Policy created the Dutch housing shortage. The government restricts building in the countryside while cities impose strict zoning that pushes construction costs up. The result: average home prices jumped from 350,000 euros in 2015 to over 500,000 euros today, and millions of people can no longer afford homes.
Policymakers blame the market. Too much demand, too little supply, they say. But they created the scarcity. Green-belt laws, strict environmental review processes, and municipal veto powers over new construction all came from government, not from supply and demand.
Who profits? Homeowners see their assets inflate. Developers lobby for exceptions while banks collect interest on inflated mortgages. Young renters and workers get priced out. The wealth transfer runs upward, from young to old, from renters to owners.
Policymakers claim building uses up precious farmland. The Netherlands imports 70 percent of its food and exports most of what it grows. The green-belt argument protects green politics, not food security. The real cost is not a few extra homes on farmland. It is millions of people locked out of housing.
The housing crisis could be solved in two years if the government chose to. Remove the green-belt restrictions. Let municipalities that want development do so. The shortage is artificial, and the policy choice is clear.
Published June 26, 2026 · Frisian News · Ljouwert, Fryslân